Notes on Ibn Khaludn's Life

By Muhammad Hozien

1. Enan, Mohammad A., Ibn Khaldun: His life and Work, P. 3. The author questions Ibn Khaldun’s Arab origin. Although he does admit that he came from an influential family, which was politically active in Andalusian affairs. He also admits that the Arabs were the ones who held the authoritative positions while the Berbers were the ones who bore the grunt of the battles. Thus admitting that he is of Arab origin. The author does reluctantly admit to this but seems to leave it up to the reader to assume so. See: p. 4-5. Enan does raise two points to support his claim that Ibn Khaldun is not an Arab. One in which some Berber tribes used false Arab Identity to gain political favor and positions. The second point is the attacks of Ibn Khaldun against Arabs in his history. The false identity would be valid however at the time that Ibn Khaldun’s ancestors left Andulsia and moved to Tunisia they did not change their claim to Arab ancestry. Even in the times when Berbers were ruling, the reigns of Al-Marabats and al-Mowahids, et. al. The Ibn Khalduns did not reclaim their Berber heritage. The second point would be true if Ibn Khaldun only attacked Arabs and Arabs in general. He however attacked the destabilizing elements which in his case were Arab tribes that were used by the Fatimids to destabilize the Maghrib. Even if one was to criticize his own people that would not make him an outsider. Ibn Khaldun throughout his life had sought stability and power to achieve that stability no matter what it cost him. His attacks on the Arab rabble rousers is an attack on those who would cause instability.
2. Ibid. P. 2.
3. Ibid. P. 8. He would later write a detailed autobiography (Ta’reef) while in Egypt which is part of his book of "Universal History" Kitab al-’Ibar wa-Diwan al-Mubtada’ wa-l-Khabar fi Ayyam al-’Arab wal-’Ajam wal-Barbar wa man ‘asarahum min dhawi as-Sultan al-Akbar. See: Fischel, Walter J. Ibn Khaldun in Egypt, 1967.
4. Ibid. P. 9.
5. Ibid. P. 10.
6. Ibid. P. 12.
7. Ibid. P. 17.
8. Ibid. P. 17.
9. Ibid. P. 18. Here Ibn Khaldun would be promoted to the position of Secretary and a member of his private council despite his youth. Even though he was well treated that did not stop him from conspiring against the Sultan.
10. Ibid. P. 19.
11. Ibid. P. 20. He would write a poem that would finally convince the Sultan to release him, however he would die before fulfilling the promise to do so.
12. He is Mansur bin Sulaiman a decedent of Yaacoub ibn Abd al-Haq. Ibid. P. 20.
13. Ibid. P. 22.
14. Ibid. P. 24.
15. Ibid. P. 25-27. Wazir Omar bin Abdullah is the son-in-law of Sultan Abu Salem, his father was the former Wazir in the court of Banu Mareen. Ibn Khaldun was refused permission to go to Tunisia for fear that he might meet the enemies of Wazir Omar in Tlemcen.
16. Ibid. P. 28-32. Sultan Muhammad remained in Fez for sometime and developed quite close relationship with Ibn Khaldun. When Sultan Muhammad would attempt to regain his throne he would leave Ibn Khaldun in charge of his family in Fez.
17. Ibid. P. 33.
18. Ibid. P. 34. He rightly declined the offer for who could trust Pedro.
19. Ibid. P. 35. The gift was a magnificent Mule with saddle and bridle adorned with gold.
20. Ibid. P. 36 - 49.
21. Ibid. P. 51.
22. Ibid. P. 55 - 56.
23. Ibid. P. 57.
24. Ibid. P. 63 - 67.
25. Ibid. P. 69 -72.
26. Ibid. P. 72 - 74.
27. Ibid. P. 75.
28. Ibid. P. 78 - 79.
29. Fischel, Walter J. Ibn Khaldun in Egypt. 1967 P. 42.
30. Ibid. P. 44. Ibn Muflih is a Hanbalite Qadi of Damascus. Ibn Khaldun mentions that Tamerlane had asked about him personally. Ibn Khaldun was advanced in age at this time and was famous. It was also Tamerlane’s style to seek scholars so his name might have been mentioned as one of those scholars who are in Damascus. Fischal mentions that Tamerlane made use of spies and agents working for him throughout the lands that he would conquer. Fischal also merinos that Ibn Khaldun went in a personal capacity to meet with Tamerlane. This could be so, it could also be that the Leaders of Damascus have wanted it to be known to Tamerlane that Ibn Khaldun is acting upon his own will just in case he fails in diplomacy. The gates of Damascus were not opened and he had to be lowered by rope. (P.46)
31. Ibid. P. 46 -48.
32. Ibid. P. 49.
33. Ibid. P. 65. Hajji Khalifah, the author of Kashf az-Zunun and Ibn Arabshah do suggest that Ibn Khaldun promised to serve in Tamerlane’s court contingent on his return to Cairo to get his books which he spent his entire life compiling them. Hajji Khalfiah goes so far as to suggest that Ibn Khaldun died in Samarkand. P. 62 -64.
34. Ibid. P. 65. Ibn Khaldun mentioned this statement in asking for his return for his mule. Note that Ibn Khaldun’s mastery of courtly mannerism. This is a result of years of experience with a variety of courts Muslims and Non-Muslims.
35. Ibid P. 67-68. There were some who it was in their interest to have the position of the chief Malikite Qadi, they conspired with their contacts close to the Sultan Faraj to have Ibn Khaldun dismissed. It would seem that Ibn Khaldun also had some influence in which he would be restored to the position.
36. The author says at the end of his introduction: "I completed the composition and draft of this first part, before revision and correction, in a period of five months ending in the middle of the year 779 [November, 1377]. Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, P. 481, Vol. 3, also Mokaddimat Ibn Khaldoun P. 416.
37. due to the fact that they believe that the conqueror is superior to them in every way. Thus in order for them to succeeded where they failed they must emulate them in every detail down to the dress and mode of behavior. See Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, P. 299-300, Vol. 1.