|
|
|
31 |
The following four pages were translated
by R. A. Nicholson, Translations of Eastern Poetry and Prose
(Cambridge, 1922), pp. 176-79.
The Arabic text, down to p.
56, 1. 30, of this translation, was edited
with notes and a glossary by D. B. Macdonald,
A Selection from the Prolegomena of Ibn
Khaldun (Semitic Study Series,
No. 4) (Leiden, 1905; repr. 1948). |
|
32 |
Nicholson
supplies "student" instead of "writing." |
|
33 |
Cf. al-Mas'udi,
Muruj
adh-dhahab
(Paris,
1861-77),
1, 93
f.; IV,
20.
Al-Mas'udi
refers briefly to the number of Israelites. According to al-Bakri,
Kitab al-masalik wa-l-mamalik
(MS. Nuru
Osmaniye, 3034,
fol.
47a),
Moses
left Egypt with 620,000
men
able to carry arms, not counting those under ten and over sixty years of
age. The exact number 603,550
found in
Num. 1:46,
was also
known to the Arabs; cf., for instance, Ibn Kathir,
Biddyah,
I,
321,
where the
printed text gives 603,555. |
|
34 |
Al-Mas'
di,
Muruj
adh-dhahah,
I,117,
describes
him as governor of the 'Iraq and the Arabs for the Persian King (King of
Fars). Cf. also at-Tabari, Annales, I, 646. |
|
35 |
That is,
Mesopotamia and northwestern Persia adjacent to it. |
|
36 |
Cf. W.
Barthold in
El, s.v.
"Derbend."
For the "Gates" and Derbend, see also p. 155,
below. |
|
37 |
See p.
7,
above.
For the numbers of the participants in this battle, see also p. 321,
below. |
|
38 |
Muhammad b.
Muslim, who died between 123 and
125 [740
and
742/43].
Cf. GAL,
I, 65; Suppl., I, 102. |
|
39 |
See pp.
327 ff., below. |
|
40 |
See
also p. 474, below. |
|
41 |
The early text, as represented by Bulaq, had the statement (later
corrected by Ibn Khaldun) that there were four generations between
Moses and Jacob. Amram is made the son of Izhar, the son of Kohath. Cf.
also, for instance, ath-Tha'labi,
Qisas al-anbiya',
at the
beginning of the chapter on Moses. |
|
42 |
The MSS state that the L of Levi should have either i or
a,
as
indicated above. *For Israel-Allah, cf. at-Tabari, I, 442.
|
|
43 |
Exod.
6:16 ff. |
|
44 |
The
quotation is not, apparently, to be found in al-Mas'udi. |
|
45 |
population increase, see also
'Ibar,
V,
506. |
|
46 |
Literally, "to higher powers of ten"
('uqud).
Cf. also
J. Ruska, Der Islam, X
(1920), 87 ff. Somewhat different, Bombaci, p. 441. |
|
47 |
Cf. I Kings
10:26. As a rule, Muslim scholars gave an unpleasant connotation to the
term "Israelite Stories," as mere fiction presented as history. Cf. F.
Rosenthal, A History of
Muslim Historiography, p. 417. |
|
48 |
Muqrabat is
an
adjective used in connection with horses and camels. Ibn Khaldun uses
the word commonly for good riding (or race) horses; see 2:358, below,
and 'Ibar, V,
473, 479
f., 501; VI, 289, 394; VII, 36. The vocalization
muqrabat,
as
against muqarrabat, is
confirmed by a verse of Ibn Khaldun's in the
Autobiography, p.
73, I. 4.
Regardless of what the original derivation of the term may have been
(cf. Lisan al-'Arab, II,
158;
lbn Hudhayl, La Parure des
cavaliers,
ed. L.
Mercier [Paris, 1922], p. 29; tr. by the same [Paris, 1924], p. 1
to), Ibn
Khaldun seems to have connected it with the form
qarraba,
in the
meaning of "to present" (noble horses as a gift). This is shown by
'Ibar, V,
499, last
line. |
|
49 |
Cf. Issawi, p. 29. |
|
50 |
Qur'an 31.6 (5). |
|
51 |
The following three paragraphs are found in the margin of C (and in MS.
Nuru Osmaniye, 3424), but appear neither in the earlier texts nor in D |
|
52 |
For
Mubammad b. Ismail al-Bukhari, 194.-256 [810-8701, and his famous
canonical collection of prophetical traditions, see GAL, I, 157
ff.; Suppl.,
I, 260
ff. I do not know which passage of the Sahih Ibn Khaldun may have
had in mind here. Al-Bukhari certainly believed in the alteration of the
Torah by the Jews. Perhaps Ibn Khaldun was recalling the often-quoted
tradition that the Muslims should neither believe nor disbelieve
statements concerning the Torah made by Jews and Christians; cf. J.
Horovitz in
El,
s.v. "Tawrat." |
|
53 |
The whole
discussion of South Arabian history appears in C on an inserted sheet. |
|
54 |
The
historical reports on ancient South Arabian history were no less
confusing for Ibn Khaldun than they are for us. He tried to deal with
them critically in 'Ibar, II, 50 ft. Cf. below, pp. 296 and 360.
For the legendary eponym of Africa, one may also compare al-Baladhuri,
Futuh al-buldan, ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden, 1866), p. 229;
(Pseudo-)Ibn Hisham, Tijan (Hyderabad, 1347/1928-29), pp. 407
ff. Ibn Hazm, Jamharat ansab al-'Arab (Cairo, 1948), p. 461,
calls Himyar-Berber connections lies existing only in the imagination of
Yemenite historians. |
|
55 |
Cf.
also at-Tabarl, Annales, I,
516; 'Ibar, II,
51; VI,
89, 93 f; de Slane (tr.), 1, 168, 176. |
|
56 |
'Ali b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz,
d. 392 [1002]. Cf. GAL, Suppl.,
I,
199. Cf.
also 'Ibar,
VI,
93; de
Slane (tr.), I, 175. |
|
57 |
See p. 7,
above, and 'Ibar, VI,
90;
de Slane (tr.), I, 170. |
|
58 |
Al-Bayhaqi's
Kitdb al-Kama'im
is
one of
the principal sources for Ibn Sa'id's (see 3:445, below) account of
pre-Islamic history. Cf. F. Trummeter,
Ibn Sa'id's Geschichte der vorislamischen
Araber, p.
62;
GAL, Suppl., I,
558. Ibn
Sa'id, in turn, was one of Ibn Khaldun's sources. However, the identity
of the author of the Kama'im
is
not
certain. It has been suggested that he was the historian and
litterateur'Ali b. Zayd, 499-565 [1106-11691 (GAL,
1, 324;
Suppl., 1, 557 f.), but we are well informed about his literary
output, and no Kitdb al-Kama'im
appears
in the list of his works. |
|
59 |
Al-Mas'udi
mentions Afriqus and his brother Dhu1-Adh'ir, and in another context
speaks of the Sand River; cf. Muruj adh-dhahab, II,
224, 151;
1, 369. But the story of Yasir (whose name is occasionally spelled
Nishir, incorrectly) and the Sand River appears in at-Tabari,
Annales, I,
684 ff. |
|
60 |
On
the legendary Widi as-Sabt (the "Sabbath River" of the Jewish Sambation
legends) in the West, where sand flows like water, see G. Ferrand, "Le
Tubfat al-albab
de Abu
Hamid al-Andalusi al-Garniti,".
in Journal asiatique, CCVII (1925),
48, 252. Cf. also Ibn al-Athir, Kamil,' I, 118 f. |
|
61 |
Or
rather, "the second"? Hamzah al-Isfahani,
Annales,
ed.
Gottwaldt (St. Petersburg & Leipzig, 1844-48), I, 125, calls him
al-awsat,
"the
middle Tubba'," but al-dkhir
is,
of
course, found elsewhere. Cf. Ibn Hisham,
Sirah,
ed.
Wustenfeld (Gottingen, 1858-60), 1, 12. |
|
62 |
This is how Ibn Khaldun read the name, as indicated by the vocalization in C.
B and D similarly have Yastasab, and in the passage below, p. 25, D has
f as the last letter. It should be Bisht'asp = Vishtaspa. The Kayyanids
correspond to the historical Achaemenids |
|
63 |
For the
eastern expedition of the Tubba's, see Ibn al-Athir,
Kamil, I,
119, and
(Pseudo-)Ibn Hisham, Tijan, pp.
429 ff. |
|
64 |
The same argument is used again below, pp. 27 and 75. |
|
65 |
Al-Hirah on
the Euphrates was the capital of the Lakhmid buffer state under Persian
control. Al-Babrayn included the country on the northwestern shore of
the Persian Gulf, and not only the islands today known under that name. |
|
66 |
"The
Younger" Abu Karib is apparently identical with the abovementioned
"last" Tubba', As'ad Abu Karib. |
|
67 |
Cf.
'Ibar, II, 55. Cf. also Ibn
Hisham, Sirah, I, 12
f., where, however, only events dealing with the Tubba"s return from his
eastern expedition are dealt with. |
|
68 |
Cf. Bombaci,
p. 442. |
|
69 |
The
following story, too, is found in the margin of C, though it appears
incorporated in the text of B and D. It is found in Bulaq, but not in A. |
|
70 |
Qur'an
89.6-7 (5-6). Cf. J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen (Berlin
& Leipzig, 1926), p. 89, and, for the following story, A. J. Wensinck in
EI, s.v. "Iram Dhat al-'Imad." |
|
71 |
See 2:444, below. |
|
72 |
See 2:446 f.
and 3:338 f., below. |
|
73 |
Actually, Ibn Qilabah
is known only for this story; cf. Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-Mizan, III,
327, who calls attention to the biography of the man in Ibn 'Asakir,
Ta'rikh Dimashq. |
|
74 |
Cf. M. Schmitz in EI, s.v., and, most recently, M.
Perlmann in The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume (Jewish Social
Studies, Publication No. 5) (New York, 1953), pp. 85-99, and idem,
Jewish Quarterly Review, XLV (1954), 48-58. |
|
75 |
That is, 'Abdallah b. az-Zubayr, who is also quoted
elsewhere as an authority for Qur'an.readings.
Cf. A. Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text of the Qur'an
(Leiden, 1937), pp. 226 ff. |
|
76 |
Sayfawayh (or Sifawayh)
is mentioned as early as the tenth century, in the list of famous
comedians in Ibn an-Nadim, Fihrist, ed. Flugel (Leipzig,
1871-72), p. 313; (Cairo, 1348/1929-30), p. 435. Cf., further, Ibn al-Jawzi,
.Ikhhar al-hamqa wa-l-mughafalin (Cairo, 1347/1928), pp. 81 f.,
and Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-Mizan, III, 132 f. This Sayfawayh
(or Sibawayh) should not be confused with the later Egyptian Sibawayh to
whom Ibn Zulaq devoted the Kitdb Akhbar Sibawayh al-Misri (Cairo,
1352/1933). Cf. now F. Rosenthal, Humor in Early Islam (Leiden,
1956), p. 11.
MSS. B, C,
and D clearly indicate a reading Sayqawayh (Siqawayh) with q, but Sayfawayh probably is the correct form.
It may seem strange that a comedian like Sayfawayh should
have had anything to do with "Qur'an interpretations." If Ibn Khaldun
expressed himself correctly, they may have been facetious applications
of Qur'an verses (and traditions), jokes such as we find in the
literature on Muslim comedians. Cf. also the story of ar-Rashid and Ibn
Abi Maryam, p. 33, below.
|
|
77 |
The long story as to how the persistent 'Abbasah
finally succeeded, with the connivance of Ja'far's mother, in being
united with Jafar (who did not know that it was she), is told by al-Mas'udi,
Muraj adh-dhahab, VI, 387 ft. |
|
78 |
Cf. also
'Ibar, V, 436 f.; VI, 7. See pp. 269 and 272, below. |
|
78a |
Lit., "the preferred position (ordinarily
enjoyed by government and ruler) went from the government to them," or,
if ithar should rather be translated "bounty," instead of
"preferential position" (cf. 2:274,1.34, below), "the bounty
(ordinarily dispensed by government and ruler)...." |
|
79 |
In the first case, the 'Alids, rather than the 'Abbasid
Shi'ah, are meant. The latter are meant by "important relatives of the
Prophet," though this, too, may be another term for the 'Alids. |
|
80 |
See pp. 410 f., below, |
|
81 |
Annales, 111, 614,
anno 176. |
|
82 |
Ahmad b. Muhammad,
246-328 [860-940]. Cf. GAL, I, 154 f.; Suppl.,
1, 250 f.; 'Iqd (Cairo, 1305/1887),
III, 24. The edition of the
'Iqd has Ishaq b. 'Ali, instead
of Dawud b. 'Ali. |
|
83 |
'Iqd, III, 108-11. See also
below, 3:411. |
|
84 |
The verses
are by 'Umar b. Abi Rabi'ah who lived
ca. A.D. 700. Cf.
GAL, 1, 45
H;
Suppl., 1, 76
f.
Cf. P. Schwarz, Der
Diwan des 'Umar Ibn Abi Rebia
(Leipzig, 1901), 1, 115 (No. 165, II, 1 f.).
Cf. also Ibn al-Athir,
Kamil, V11, 4, anno 229. |
|
85 |
Died 187 [803]. Cf. GAL,
Suppl.,1, 430. |
|
86 |
Muhammad b.
Sabih, d. 183 [799/800].
Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi,
Ta'rikh Baghdad, V, 364-73. |
|
87 |
Apparently 'Abdallah b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz
b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. al-Khattab, d. 184 [800/801]. Cf. Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, V, 302 f. A
nephew of this man, 'Ubaydallah
b. 'Umar, was brought by ar-Rashid to Baghdad (cf. aI-Khatib al-Baghdadi,
Ta'rikh Baghdad, X, 310),
but
he would not seem to be the one meant here. |
|
88 |
Of the two famous Sufyans, Sufyan ath-Thawri and
Sufyin b. 'Uyaynah, the latter is meant here. He lived from 107
to 198 [725/26 to 814]. Cf.
al-Khatib
al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, IX,
174-84. |
|
89 |
Cf. Ibn al-Athir,
Kamil, VI, 87 f., anno 193. Cf. also G.
Audisio, Harun ar-Rashid
(New York, 1931), p. 173. |
|
90 |
Cf. at-Tabari,
Annales, Ill, 740, anno 193. A
rak'ah is a prescribed sequence
of motions in prayer. |
|
91 |
Qur'an 36.22
(21). |
|
92 |
Cf. at-Tabari, Annales, III,
743 f. |
|
93 |
Ibn 'Abbas is the 'Abdallah
b. 'Abbas mentioned above, p. 29, the Prophet's cousin. Ibn 'Umar is 'Abdallah,
a son of the caliph 'Umar, who died in 73 or 74 [692/93 or 693/941. Cf.
K. V. Zettersteen in EI
s.v. " 'Abd Allah b. 'Umar." |
|
94 |
Ibn Khaldun
also refers to this story in his Surghatmishiyah
lecture. Cf. Autobiography, p.
301. Cf. also Ibn Farbun (Cairo, 1351/1932),
Dibaj, p.
25. |
|
95 |
A, C, and D read ubuwatihi,
but in B we find
abawayhi "his parents," or "his two forebears"
(?). Translating wa-ubawatihi
"and counted him among his forebears" would be possible
here, but is hardly correct. |
|
96 |
Cf.
Muraj adh-dhahab, V1,
305 ff.,
but at-Tabari does not seem to have the story. Cf. also Ibn Abi
Ulaybi'ah, 'Uyan al-anba',
ed. Muller (Konigsberg & Cairo, 1882-84), 1, 129.
Jibril was an early member of the famous dynasty of
physicians. He died in 213 [828/29]. Cf. C. Brockelmann in
EI, s.v. "Bakhtishu'."
|
|
97 |
"For Abu Nuwas, see GAL, I, 75 ff.; Suppl., 1,
114 ff. |
|
98 |
For the lenient 1{anafite attitude toward
nabidh, see A. J. Wensinck in El,
s.v. " Nabidh." Cf. also p. 445, below. |
|
99 |
Cf. al-Mas'udi,
Muruj adh-dhahab, VII, 401. |
|
100 |
See, for instance, pp. 318 ff., below. |
|
101 |
The story is told fully in Ibn 'Abdrabbih,
'Iqd, III, 313.
Yahya b.
Aktham died in 242 or 243 [847). Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh
Baghdad, XIV,
191 ff. |
|
102 |
Bulaq adds "thirsty."
In this case the "vessel" (ina') mentioned would not be a chamber
pot, but a water pitcher. A very similar story of how alMa'mun himself
went out for a drink of water and did not disturb Yahya b. Aktham occurs
in al-Itlidi, I'lam an-nas bi-ma waqa'a
li-1-Bardmikah min Bani 1-'Abbas (Cairo,
1303/1886), p. 110. Al-Itlidi adds another story, according to which
al-Ma'man had gone to urinate and hesitated to call his servants to help
him to get ready for the morning prayer, as long as Yabya did not stir.
Thus, it seems hardly possible to decide whether Ibn Khaldun thought of
a water pitcher or a chamber pot. Ind' "urine glass" is found in
at-Tabari, Firdaws al-bikmah (Berlin, 1928), pp. 354 f. An author
closer to the time of Ibn Khaldun, as-Suyuti, uses a synonym for ind',
wi'd'; cf. asSuyuti, Tanbi'at al-ghabi bi-tabri'at
Ibn al-'Arabs, Istanbul MS, Laleli, 3645,
fol. 162a. For
another version of the story, cf. as-Sulami,
Addb a,c-suhbah, ed. M. J. Kister (Oriental
Notes and Studies, No. 6) (Jerusalem, 1954), p. 57. |
|
103 |
Ahmad b. Muhammad b.
Hanbal, the founder of the Hanbalite school of jurisprudence, 164-241
1780-855]. Cf. GAL, I,
181 ff.; Suppl., I, 309 f. |
|
104 |
Isma'il b. Ishaq, the Malikite judge.
Cf. 3:13, below. |
|
105 |
Muhammad b. 'Isa, d. 279 [892], author of
one of the authoritative collections of traditions. Cf.
GAL, I,
161 f.;
Suppl., I, 267 f. |
|
106 |
The
Tahdhib al-Kamal of Yusuf b. 'Abd-ar-Rahman
al-Mizzi, 654-742 [1256-1341] (cf. GAL,
II, 64; Suppl.,
II, 66 f.), was not available, but see
Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib,
X1,180. In al-Bukhari'sTa'rikh
(Hyderabad, 1360/1941), IV2, 263, we find only Yahya's
name, without any further information. |
|
107 |
'Adalah
is a common term of Muslim jurisprudence and political
science for which in this translation the word "probity" was chosen. It
means possession of the moral qualifications that make a person
acceptable for high office and for serving as a witness, that is, for
exercise of his duties as a citizen. See also p. 395 and n. 388 to Ch.
iii, below. |
|
108 |
Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad,
XIV, 200, I, 13. |
|
109 |
I consulted
the MS. Ahmet III, 2995 (of the Topkapusaray in Istanbul) of the work on
reliable transmitters (Thiqat)
by Ibn Hibban, 274-354 [887/88-965) (cf. GAL, I, 164;
Suppl.,1, 273 f.), but it does not go as far as Yahya. For the remarks of Ibn Hibban and the statement of
Isma'il, see Ibn Hajar,
Tahdhib,
XI, 181. |
|
110 |
Cf. Iqd, III, 356-63. Cf. also below, pp. 348 f. |
|
111 |
Qur'an 3.110 (106); 4.46 (49), 66 (69); 47.21 (23);
49.5 (5). |
|
112 |
Qur'an 2.102 (96), 103 (97); 16.41 (43); 29.41 (40), 64 (64); 68.33
(93). |
|
113 |
The son of the caliph al-Mahdi, who was for a short
time considered by some groups as caliph. 162-224 1779-839]; cf. GAL,
Suppl., I, 223, and below, pp. 325f. and 433f., and 8:341. |
|
114 |
The question of the 'Alid
origin of the Fatimids and their early history was loaded with political
"dynamite" for many centuries after the Fatimid dynasty had ceased to
exist. In some respects, it is still of importance today. Cf. the works
of W. Ivanow: Ismaili Tradition Concerning the Rise of the Fatimids
(Islamic Research Association Series, No. 10) (Oxford, 1942), and
The Alleged Founder of Ismailism (The Ismaili Society Series, No. 1)
(Bombay, 1946). Cf. also F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim
Historiography, p. 335. |
|
115 |
Abu `Abdallah ash-Shi'i,
through whose efforts the Fatimids became rulers of northwestern Africa,
is said to have been mubtasib (cf. pp. 462 f., below) in al-Basrah,
if it was not his brother Abu 1-'Abbas who held that office. Cf. 'Ibar,
III, 362; IV, 31 f., 204 f. See also below, 2:133. |
|
116 |
Rather, his son and successor al-Muktafi. The event
related took place in the year 293 [905/6], after the death of al-Mu'tadid.
Cf. Ibn 'Whirl, alBayan al-Mughrib, ed. G. S. Colin and E.
Levi-Provencal (Leiden, 1948-5 1), 1, 140. But see also below, p.
46, and 'Ibar, III, 360; IV, 31. |
|
117 |
This refers to events at the beginning of the Saljuq
rule under Tughrilbek, that took place in the period from December,
1058, to 1060. Cf. also 'Ibar, III, 463 f. |
|
118 |
Cf. 'Ibar, III, 360. |
|
119 |
The "Qarmatian" was the supposed founder of the sect,
a certain Hamdin, who lived in the second half of the ninth century. Cf.
L. Massignon in El, s.v. "Ilarmatians." |
|
120 |
This verse is quoted from near the end of Zuhayr's
Mu'allaqah; cf. 3:397 and 410, below. Cf. J. Hausherr, Die
Mu'allaka. des Zuhair (Berlin, 1905), p. 35. |
|
121 |
That is, the Maqam Ibrahim in the
Sanctuary in Mecca. |
|
122 |
Muhammad b.
at-Tayyib, d. 403 [to131. Cf. GAL, I,
197; Suppl., I, 349. In Ibn Khaldun's circle, he was esteemed one
of the greatest of ancient eastern Malikites, and he is, therefore,
often quoted in the Muqaddimah.
Recent publications in connection with al-Bagillani
include the edition of his Kitab at-Tamhid by al-Khudayri and Abu
Ridah (Cairo, 1366/1947), who contribute much biographical material, and
G. E. von Grunebaum, A
TenthCentury Document of Arabic Literary Criticism
(Chicago, 1950). An edition of his Insaf appeared
in Cairo in 1369/1950. Al-Baqillani's work against the Fatimids was
entitled Kashf al-asrar wa-hatk al-astar. Cf. Ibn Kathir,
Biddyah, XI,
346; the edition of the Tamhid cited above, p.
259 (n. 3). That al-Ghazzali based his Mustazhiri upon al-Baqillani
s Kashf has been denied by I. Goldziher, and, indeed, Goldziher's
study of the Mustahiri has no indication that the work dealt
with the 'Alid descent of the Fatimids. Cf. 1. Goldziher,
Streitschrift des Gazdli gegen die Bdtinijja-Sekte (Leiden, 1916),
pp. 15 f. |
|
123 |
The phrase used here
means "to push back." Cf.
3:49, below. |
|
124 |
Qur'an 11.46
(48). |
|
124a |
Cf.
Concordance, V,
15, 11. 64 f. |
|
125 |
Qur'an 33.4 (4). |
|
126 |
The verse is ascribed by some authors to Abu Nuwas. Cf.
al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif (Cairo, 1354/1935-36), p.
94, and ar-Raghib al-Isfahini, Muhddarat (Cairo, 1287/1870),
I,
171. However, it does not appear in Abu Nuwas' Diwan
(Cairo, 1898). Ibn Bullan, Da'wat al-atibba', at the beginning,
ascribes it to al-Husayn b. Hani' (leg. Abu 1-Hasan b. Hani').
The first line may be read in the passive: "If the days
were asked..... "
The text
found in Ibn Bullan has a variant reading requiring this translation.
|
|
127 |
See also p. 412, below. |
|
128 |
C and D read "representatives of the
dynasty." |
|
129 |
Cf. B.
Lewis, The Origins of Isma'ilism
(Cambridge, 1940), pp. 60 f. The earliest published source so far known
for the text of the affidavit is Ibn al-Jawzi, Muntazam
(Hyderabad, 1357 /1938 -), VII, 255. Ibn Khaldun's list of signers
corresponds much more closely to that in Ibn alAthir, Kamil, IX,
98, anno 402, and VIII, 10, anno 296, than to that in Ibn
al-Jawzi. |
|
130 |
Muhammad b. al-Husayn,
359-406 [969/70-1015]. Cf. GAL, 1, 82;
Suppl., I, 131f. |
|
131 |
All b. al-Ilusayn, 355-436 [966-1044/451. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., VIII, 120 ff. |
|
132 |
Ibn al-Athir expressly states that he was an 'Alid, but I
have no further information about the man. |
|
133 |
Ahmad b. Muhammad, 345-406 [956/57-10161. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., VII, 277 f. |
|
134 |
Ahmad b. Muhammad, 362-428 1972/73-10371. Cf. GAL, I, 174
f.; Suppl., I, 295 f. |
|
135 |
Abu 'Abdallah al-Husayn
b. 'Ali, 351-436 [962/63-10451. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., Vlll, 119. |
|
136 |
Abu Muhammad 'Abdallah
b. Muhammad, 316 or 320 to 405 [928/29 or 932 to 1014]. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi,
op. cit., VII, 273. |
|
137 |
Abu 1-'Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad, d. 425 [10341. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., Vlll, 80 f. |
|
138 |
Muhammad b. Muhammad b. al-Mu'allim, d. 413 [10221.
Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., VIII, 11 f. |
|
139 |
See note 162 to Ch. in, and p. 450, below. |
|
140 |
See n. 116,
above. |
|
141 |
Cf. R. Dozy, Journal asiatique, XIV 6 (1869),
149 f., and Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, II, 380 f. |
|
142 |
Cf. below, 2:102 and 287, and also 2:352. As early as the
ninth century, Ibn Qutaybah quoted Abi! Hazim as saying to Sulaymin
b. 'Abd-alMalik: "The government serves as a market place to which
whatever is in demand with (the government) is brought." Cf. Ibn
Qutaybah, 'Uyun alakhbar(Cairo, 1343-49/1925-30),
I, 2. |
|
143 |
Ibn Khaldun speaks of
the Idrisids of Fez in 'Ibar, IV, 12 ff. Cf. also below, p. 411. |
|
144 |
A locality near Mecca
where 'Alids in revolt were defeated in 169 1786). Cf., for instance,
Abu1-Faraj al-Isfahani, Maqatil at-Talibiyin (Cairo, 1368/1949),
pp. 434 ff.; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, VI, 38, anno 169; 'Ibar,
III, 215 f. Ibn al-Athir states that it is uncertain whether it was
al-Hidi or arRashid who killed Wadih, who was postmaster general and
chief of the intelligence service in Egypt. |
|
145 |
An-naqd wa-l-ibram,
literally "the untwisting and twisting." Cf. n. 1, above:
"all his powers," and below, p. 379, 1. 21. Cf. also H. Lammens,
Etudes sur le siecle des Omayyades (Beirut, 1930), p. 4. |
|
146 |
The verses
are quoted by al-Mas'Odl, Muruj
adh-dbahab, VII, 325, with reference to the caliph al-Musta'in, who
was one of those dominated by the Turkish generals Wasif and Bugha. |
|
146a |
In a case like this, involving the crime of throwing suspicion upon someone's
sexual morality. |
|
147 |
This is a Prophetic tradition.
Cf. Handbook, p. 45b; D.
Santillana, Istituzioni di diritto musulmano, I,
193. |
|
148 |
Cf.
Qur'an 33.33 (33).
|
|
149 |
See also 3:54, below. |
|
150 |
Cf. Bombaci, p. 442, and below, p. 54. |
|
151 |
In 'Ibar, IV,
15, 1. 25, Ibn Khaldun mentions
only Yahya al-'Addam. Al-'Addam
is
the form indicated in the MSS of the
Muqaddimah.
The pedigree of the Banu 'Imran which follows is added in
the margin of C and incorporated in the text of D.
Ibn Hazm, Jamharat ansab
al-'Arab, p. 44, refers to the first Yahya
(al-'Addam) as Yabyi al-JUti. Ibn JIazm, loc.
cit., I. 10, also refers to Yabya b. Ibrahim
b. Yahya (al-Juji)
|
|
152 |
Ibn Khaldun dealt with the beginning of the
Almohads in
'Ibar, VI,
225 ff; de Slane (tr.), II, 161
ff. |
|
153 |
I.e., northwestern Africa and Spain. |
|
154 |
Qur'an 40.85 (85). |
|
155 |
Cf. p. 52, above. |
|
156 |
Leg. "second." Cf. p.
273, below. |
|
157 |
Cf. Bombaci, pp. 442 f.
|
|
158 |
Cf.
p.
268
and
2:39, below. |
|
159 |
Qur'an 81.22
(21). |
|
160 |
Cf. Issawi, pp. 29-96. |
|
161 |
Qur'an 40.85
(85). |
|
162 |
Literally,
"Franks." |
|
162a |
The pronoun
presumably refers to the Arabs. |
|
163 |
Cf. p. 300 and 2:129, 306, below. Din "religion"
is here used in the more general sense of "way of doing things." Cf. Ibn
Qutaybah, 'Uyun al-akhbar, I,
2. |
|
164 |
Al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf, the
great governor of the 'Iraq (ca. 660-714). Cf. H. Lammens in EI,
s.v. "al-Hadjdjadj." |
|
165 |
The
'asharah al-mubashsharah, the
ten early Muslims to whom Paradise was guaranteed. Cf. A. J. Wensinck,
Handworterbuch des Islam (Leiden, 1941), s.v. "al-'Ashara 'l-mubashsharah."
They were the first four caliphs, Talhah, az-Zubayr, 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. 'Awf,
Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, Sa'id b. Zayd, and Abu 'Ubaydah b. al-Jarrah. |
|
166 |
Cf. p. lxxxiv, above. |
|
167 |
That is, the
sixth chapter of the Muqaddimah,
beginning at 2:411, below. Cf. esp. n. 2 to ch. VI as
well as 2:426 and passages such as that at 2:444, below. |
|
168 |
Al-Man§tir died in 392 [1002]. Cf. E. Levi-Provencal
in EI, s.v.
"A1-Mangur Ibn Abi `Amir." The 'Abbisids ruled Sevilla during the
eleventh century. |
|
169 |
Cf. pp. 452
ff., below. |
|
170 |
Ra'aya
(raia, rayah) "cattle," then "subjects." See
also p. 883, below. |
|
171 |
Literally, "wove on their loom." Cf. p. 9,
above, and n. 1444 to Ch. vi, below. |
|
172 |
Cf. Bombaci, p. 443. |
|
173 |
The geographer, 'Abdallah
b. Mubammad, 432-487 [104041-1094]. Cf. GAL,
1, 476; Suppl.,
1, 875 f. He is repeatedly quoted by Ibn
Khaldun A new edition of al-Bakri s geographical dictionary,
Mujam ma stajam, appeared in
Cairo in 1945-51. His Routes and Provinces (al-Masdlik
wa-1mamalik) is still unpublished except for
some sections. |
|
174 |
Cf. p. xl, above. |
|
175 |
Ibn Khaldun soon changed his mind and added the history
of the East to his work at a very early stage in
its preparation. |
|
176 |
Qur'an 12.76 (76). |
|
177 |
The written symbol is considered to be
identical with the sound indicated by it. |
|
178 |
Apparently the remarks immediately following are meant. |
|
179 |
Cf. Issawi, pp. 156 f. Cf. also 'Ibar, VII,
7; de Slane (tr.), III, 188 ff. |
|
180 |
Actually, the term
Ibn Khaldun uses carries the connotation of "(preIslamic) Jewish and
Christian Arabs." He thinks first of the originators of Arabic
orthography and then refers to the way in which, in his opinion,
literate (Muslim) Arabs later expressed sounds not found in Arabic. |
|
181 |
The way Ibn Khaldun expresses himself, this would
seem to refer to the position of letters in the written alphabet, and
not to their articulation. It should, of course, refer to the latter.
Again, the notions of letters and sounds are confused. |
|
182 |
Khalaf b. Hisham, one of the
seven Qur'an readers, d. 229 (843/44]. Cf. T. Noldeke, F. Schwally, G.
Bergstrasser, and 0. Pretzl, Geschichte des
Qordns (Leipzig, 1909-38), III, 182. His
reading of as-sirat
applies to Qur'an 1.6 (5). |
|
183 |
For this spelling (ض)
in Berber words, see, for instance, pp. 128 f, 2:49, 197, and 3:129,
below, |
|
184 |
In the ninth
century, a transcription alphabet was invented by Abmad b. at-Tayyib as-Sarakhsi. Cf. P. Kraus,
Jabir Ibn Hayyan (Memoires de
I'Institut d'Egypte, Nos. 44-45) (Cairo, 1942-43), II, 245 (n. 2).
However, we do not know what it looked like. |
|
185 |
Instances for the spelling ک are quite frequent. Cf., for instance, "Gawgaw," p. 119, below. Examples for
ک and ک may be
found in the spelling of Wangarah in C; cf. p. i 19, below.
Arabic jim
was pronounced in Egypt according to its ancient Semitic
sound value g, but Ibn Khaldun was not thinking of the Egyptian
pronunciation when he referred to it in this context, but rather of the
generally
recognized fact
of the similarity of j,
q,
and, k as pronounced in the various
Arabic dialects. On the pronunciation of q, cf.
the discussion below, 9 : 348 fl:
The
references to q in this sentence appear in the margin of C.
Another transcription sign
ظ (t with the two dots of t)
is used for European t, as, for instance, in Angalatirrah
(England). It also appears in Tatar.
|
|
185a |
That is,
using either k or j (q) to express the g sound, as, for
instance, in the case of Buluggin. |
|
|