The following four pages were translated by R. A. Nicholson, Translations of Eastern Poetry and Prose (Cambridge, 1922), pp. 176-79. The Arabic text, down to p. 56, 1. 30, of this translation, was edited with notes and a glossary by D. B. Macdonald, A Selection from the Prolegomena of Ibn Khaldun (Semitic Study Series, No. 4) (Leiden, 1905; repr. 1948).


Nicholson supplies "student" instead of "writing."


Cf. al-Mas'udi, Muruj adh-dhahab (Paris, 1861-77), 1, 93 f.; IV, 20. Al-Mas'udi refers briefly to the number of Israelites. According to al-Bakri, Kitab al-masalik wa-l-mamalik (MS. Nuru Osmaniye, 3034, fol. 47a), Moses left Egypt with 620,000 men able to carry arms, not counting those under ten and over sixty years of age. The exact number 603,550 found in Num. 1:46, was also known to the Arabs; cf., for instance, Ibn Kathir, Biddyah, I, 321, where the printed text gives 603,555.


Al-Mas' di, Muruj adh-dhahah, I,117, describes him as governor of the 'Iraq and the Arabs for the Persian King (King of Fars). Cf. also at-Tabari, Annales, I, 646.


That is, Mesopotamia and northwestern Persia adjacent to it.


Cf. W. Barthold in El, s.v. "Derbend." For the "Gates" and Derbend, see also p. 155, below.


See p. 7, above. For the numbers of the participants in this battle, see also p. 321, below.


Muhammad b. Muslim, who died between 123 and 125 [740 and 742/43]. Cf. GAL, I, 65; Suppl., I, 102.


See pp. 327 ff., below.


See also p. 474, below.


The early text, as represented by Bulaq, had the statement (later corrected by Ibn Khaldun) that there were four generations between Moses and Jacob. Amram is made the son of Izhar, the son of Kohath. Cf. also, for instance, ath-Tha'labi, Qisas al-anbiya', at the beginning of the chapter on Moses.


The MSS state that the L of Levi should have either i or a, as indicated above. *For Israel-Allah, cf. at-Tabari, I, 442.


Exod. 6:16 ff.


The quotation is not, apparently, to be found in al-Mas'udi.


population increase, see also 'Ibar, V, 506.


Literally, "to higher powers of ten" ('uqud). Cf. also J. Ruska, Der Islam, X (1920), 87 ff. Somewhat different, Bombaci, p. 441.


Cf. I Kings 10:26. As a rule, Muslim scholars gave an unpleasant connotation to the term "Israelite Stories," as mere fiction presented as history. Cf. F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, p. 417.


Muqrabat is an adjective used in connection with horses and camels. Ibn Khaldun uses the word commonly for good riding (or race) horses; see 2:358, below, and 'Ibar, V, 473, 479 f., 501; VI, 289, 394; VII, 36. The vocalization muqrabat, as against muqarrabat, is confirmed by a verse of Ibn Khaldun's in the Autobiography, p. 73, I. 4. Regardless of what the original derivation of the term may have been (cf. Lisan al-'Arab, II, 158; lbn Hudhayl, La Parure des cavaliers, ed. L. Mercier [Paris, 1922], p. 29; tr. by the same [Paris, 1924], p. 1 to), Ibn Khaldun seems to have connected it with the form qarraba, in the meaning of "to present" (noble horses as a gift). This is shown by 'Ibar, V, 499, last line.


Cf. Issawi, p. 29.


Qur'an 31.6 (5).


The following three paragraphs are found in the margin of C (and in MS. Nuru Osmaniye, 3424), but appear neither in the earlier texts nor in D


For Mubammad b. Ismail al-Bukhari, 194.-256 [810-8701, and his famous canonical collection of prophetical traditions, see GAL, I, 157 ff.; Suppl., I, 260 ff. I do not know which passage of the Sahih Ibn Khaldun may have had in mind here. Al-Bukhari certainly believed in the alteration of the Torah by the Jews. Perhaps Ibn Khaldun was recalling the often-quoted tradition that the Muslims should neither believe nor disbelieve statements concerning the Torah made by Jews and Christians; cf. J. Horovitz in El, s.v. "Tawrat."


The whole discussion of South Arabian history appears in C on an inserted sheet.


The historical reports on ancient South Arabian history were no less confusing for Ibn Khaldun than they are for us. He tried to deal with them critically in 'Ibar, II, 50 ft. Cf. below, pp. 296 and 360. For the legendary eponym of Africa, one may also compare al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-buldan, ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden, 1866), p. 229; (Pseudo-)Ibn Hisham, Tijan (Hyderabad, 1347/1928-29), pp. 407 ff. Ibn Hazm, Jamharat ansab al-'Arab (Cairo, 1948), p. 461, calls Himyar-Berber connections lies existing only in the imagination of Yemenite historians.


Cf. also at-Tabarl, Annales, I, 516; 'Ibar, II, 51; VI, 89, 93 f; de Slane (tr.), 1, 168, 176.


'Ali b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz, d. 392 [1002]. Cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 199. Cf. also 'Ibar, VI, 93; de Slane (tr.), I, 175.


See p. 7, above, and 'Ibar, VI, 90; de Slane (tr.), I, 170.


Al-Bayhaqi's Kitdb al-Kama'im is one of the principal sources for Ibn Sa'id's (see 3:445, below) account of pre-Islamic history. Cf. F. Trummeter, Ibn Sa'id's Geschichte der vorislamischen Araber, p. 62; GAL, Suppl., I, 558. Ibn Sa'id, in turn, was one of Ibn Khaldun's sources. However, the identity of the author of the Kama'im is not certain. It has been suggested that he was the historian and litterateur'Ali b. Zayd, 499-565 [1106-11691 (GAL, 1, 324; Suppl., 1, 557 f.), but we are well informed about his literary output, and no Kitdb al-Kama'im appears in the list of his works.


Al-Mas'udi mentions Afriqus and his brother Dhu1-Adh'ir, and in another context speaks of the Sand River; cf. Muruj adh-dhahab, II, 224, 151; 1, 369. But the story of Yasir (whose name is occasionally spelled Nishir, incorrectly) and the Sand River appears in at-Tabari, Annales, I, 684 ff.


On the legendary Widi as-Sabt (the "Sabbath River" of the Jewish Sambation legends) in the West, where sand flows like water, see G. Ferrand, "Le Tubfat al-albab de Abu Hamid al-Andalusi al-Garniti,". in Journal asiatique, CCVII (1925), 48, 252. Cf. also Ibn al-Athir, Kamil,' I, 118 f.


Or rather, "the second"? Hamzah al-Isfahani, Annales, ed. Gottwaldt (St. Petersburg & Leipzig, 1844-48), I, 125, calls him al-awsat, "the middle Tubba'," but al-dkhir is, of course, found elsewhere. Cf. Ibn Hisham, Sirah, ed. Wustenfeld (Gottingen, 1858-60), 1, 12.


This is how Ibn Khaldun read the name, as indicated by the vocalization in C. B and D similarly have Yastasab, and in the passage below, p. 25, D has f as the last letter. It should be Bisht'asp = Vishtaspa. The Kayyanids correspond to the historical Achaemenids


For the eastern expedition of the Tubba's, see Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, I, 119, and (Pseudo-)Ibn Hisham, Tijan, pp. 429 ff.


The same argument is used again below, pp. 27 and 75.


Al-Hirah on the Euphrates was the capital of the Lakhmid buffer state under Persian control. Al-Babrayn included the country on the northwestern shore of the Persian Gulf, and not only the islands today known under that name.


"The Younger" Abu Karib is apparently identical with the above­mentioned "last" Tubba', As'ad Abu Karib.


Cf. 'Ibar, II, 55. Cf. also Ibn Hisham, Sirah, I, 12 f., where, however, only events dealing with the Tubba"s return from his eastern expedition are dealt with.


Cf. Bombaci, p. 442.


The following story, too, is found in the margin of C, though it appears incorporated in the text of B and D. It is found in Bulaq, but not in A.


Qur'an 89.6-7 (5-6). Cf. J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen (Berlin & Leipzig, 1926), p. 89, and, for the following story, A. J. Wensinck in EI, s.v. "Iram Dhat al-'Imad."


See 2:444, below.


See 2:446 f. and 3:338 f., below.


Actually, Ibn Qilabah is known only for this story; cf. Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-Mizan, III, 327, who calls attention to the biography of the man in Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh Dimashq.


Cf. M. Schmitz in EI, s.v., and, most recently, M. Perlmann in The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume (Jewish Social Studies, Publication No. 5) (New York, 1953), pp. 85-99, and idem, Jewish Quarterly Review, XLV (1954), 48-58.


That is, 'Abdallah b. az-Zubayr, who is also quoted elsewhere as an authority for Qur'an.readings. Cf. A. Jeffery, Materials for the History of the Text of the Qur'an (Leiden, 1937), pp. 226 ff.


Sayfawayh (or Sifawayh) is mentioned as early as the tenth century, in the list of famous comedians in Ibn an-Nadim, Fihrist, ed. Flugel (Leipzig, 1871-72), p. 313; (Cairo, 1348/1929-30), p. 435. Cf., further, Ibn al-Jawzi, .Ikhhar al-hamqa wa-l-mughafalin (Cairo, 1347/1928), pp. 81 f., and Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-Mizan, III, 132 f. This Sayfawayh (or Sibawayh) should not be confused with the later Egyptian Sibawayh to whom Ibn Zulaq devoted the Kitdb Akhbar Sibawayh al-Misri (Cairo, 1352/1933). Cf. now F. Rosenthal, Humor in Early Islam (Leiden, 1956), p. 11.

MSS. B, C, and D clearly indicate a reading Sayqawayh (Siqawayh) with q, but Sayfawayh probably is the correct form.

It may seem strange that a comedian like Sayfawayh should have had anything to do with "Qur'an interpretations." If Ibn Khaldun expressed himself correctly, they may have been facetious applications of Qur'an verses (and traditions), jokes such as we find in the literature on Muslim comedians. Cf. also the story of ar-Rashid and Ibn Abi Maryam, p. 33, below.


The long story as to how the persistent 'Abbasah finally succeeded, with the connivance of Ja'far's mother, in being united with Jafar (who did not know that it was she), is told by al-Mas'udi, Muraj adh-dhahab, VI, 387 ft.


Cf. also 'Ibar, V, 436 f.; VI, 7. See pp. 269 and 272, below.


Lit., "the preferred position (ordinarily enjoyed by government and ruler) went from the government to them," or, if ithar should rather be translated "bounty," instead of "preferential position" (cf. 2:274,1.34, below), "the bounty (ordinarily dispensed by government and ruler)...."


In the first case, the 'Alids, rather than the 'Abbasid Shi'ah, are meant. The latter are meant by "important relatives of the Prophet," though this, too, may be another term for the 'Alids.


See pp. 410 f., below,


Annales, 111, 614, anno 176.


Ahmad b. Muhammad, 246-328 [860-940]. Cf. GAL, I, 154 f.; Suppl., 1, 250 f.; 'Iqd (Cairo, 1305/1887), III, 24. The edition of the 'Iqd has Ishaq b. 'Ali, instead of Dawud b. 'Ali.


'Iqd, III, 108-11. See also below, 3:411.


The verses are by 'Umar b. Abi Rabi'ah who lived ca. A.D. 700. Cf. GAL, 1, 45 H; Suppl., 1, 76 f. Cf. P. Schwarz, Der Diwan des 'Umar Ibn Abi Rebia (Leipzig, 1901), 1, 115 (No. 165, II, 1 f.). Cf. also Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, V11, 4, anno 229.


Died 187 [803]. Cf. GAL, Suppl.,1, 430.


Muhammad b. Sabih, d. 183 [799/800]. Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, V, 364-73.


Apparently 'Abdallah b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. 'Abdallah b. 'Abdallah b. 'Umar b. al-Khattab, d. 184 [800/801]. Cf. Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, V, 302 f. A nephew of this man, 'Ubaydallah b. 'Umar, was brought by ar-Rashid to Baghdad (cf. aI-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, X, 310), but he would not seem to be the one meant here.


Of the two famous Sufyans, Sufyan ath-Thawri and Sufyin b. 'Uyaynah, the latter is meant here. He lived from 107 to 198 [725/26 to 814]. Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, IX, 174-84.


Cf. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, VI, 87 f., anno 193. Cf. also G. Audisio, Harun ar-Rashid (New York, 1931), p. 173.


Cf. at-Tabari, Annales, Ill, 740, anno 193. A rak'ah is a prescribed sequence of motions in prayer.


Qur'an 36.22 (21).


Cf. at-Tabari, Annales, III, 743 f.


Ibn 'Abbas is the 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas mentioned above, p. 29, the Prophet's cousin. Ibn 'Umar is 'Abdallah, a son of the caliph 'Umar, who died in 73 or 74 [692/93 or 693/941. Cf. K. V. Zettersteen in EI s.v. " 'Abd Allah b. 'Umar."


Ibn Khaldun also refers to this story in his Surghatmishiyah lecture. Cf. Autobiography, p. 301. Cf. also Ibn Farbun (Cairo, 1351/1932), Dibaj, p. 25.


A, C, and D read ubuwatihi, but in B we find abawayhi "his parents," or "his two forebears" (?). Translating wa-ubawatihi "and counted him among his forebears" would be possible here, but is hardly correct.


Cf. Muraj adh-dhahab, V1, 305 ff., but at-Tabari does not seem to have the story. Cf. also Ibn Abi Ulaybi'ah, 'Uyan al-anba', ed. Muller (Konigsberg & Cairo, 1882-84), 1, 129.

Jibril was an early member of the famous dynasty of physicians. He died in 213 [828/29]. Cf. C. Brockelmann in EI, s.v. "Bakhtishu'."


"For Abu Nuwas, see GAL, I, 75 ff.; Suppl., 1, 114 ff.


For the lenient 1{anafite attitude toward nabidh, see A. J. Wensinck in El, s.v. " Nabidh." Cf. also p. 445, below.


Cf. al-Mas'udi, Muruj adh-dhahab, VII, 401.


See, for instance, pp. 318 ff., below.


The story is told fully in Ibn 'Abdrabbih, 'Iqd, III, 313.

Yahya b. Aktham died in 242 or 243 [847). Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, XIV, 191 ff.


Bulaq adds "thirsty." In this case the "vessel" (ina') mentioned would not be a chamber pot, but a water pitcher. A very similar story of how al­Ma'mun himself went out for a drink of water and did not disturb Yahya b. Aktham occurs in al-Itlidi, I'lam an-nas bi-ma waqa'a li-1-Bardmikah min Bani 1-'Abbas (Cairo, 1303/1886), p. 110. Al-Itlidi adds another story, according to which al-Ma'man had gone to urinate and hesitated to call his servants to help him to get ready for the morning prayer, as long as Yabya did not stir. Thus, it seems hardly possible to decide whether Ibn Khaldun thought of a water pitcher or a chamber pot. Ind' "urine glass" is found in at-Tabari, Firdaws al-bikmah (Berlin, 1928), pp. 354 f. An author closer to the time of Ibn Khaldun, as-Suyuti, uses a synonym for ind', wi'd'; cf. as­Suyuti, Tanbi'at al-ghabi bi-tabri'at Ibn al-'Arabs, Istanbul MS, Laleli, 3645, fol. 162a. For another version of the story, cf. as-Sulami, Addb a,c-suhbah, ed. M. J. Kister (Oriental Notes and Studies, No. 6) (Jerusalem, 1954), p. 57.


Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Hanbal, the founder of the Hanbalite school of jurisprudence, 164-241 1780-855]. Cf. GAL, I, 181 ff.; Suppl., I, 309 f.


Isma'il b. Ishaq, the Malikite judge. Cf. 3:13, below.


Muhammad b. 'Isa, d. 279 [892], author of one of the authoritative collections of traditions. Cf. GAL, I, 161 f.; Suppl., I, 267 f.


The Tahdhib al-Kamal of Yusuf b. 'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Mizzi, 654-742 [1256-1341] (cf. GAL, II, 64; Suppl., II, 66 f.), was not available, but see Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, X1,180. In al-Bukhari'sTa'rikh (Hyderabad, 1360/1941), IV2, 263, we find only Yahya's name, without any further information.


'Adalah is a common term of Muslim jurisprudence and political science for which in this translation the word "probity" was chosen. It means possession of the moral qualifications that make a person acceptable for high office and for serving as a witness, that is, for exercise of his duties as a citizen. See also p. 395 and n. 388 to Ch. iii, below.


Cf. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, XIV, 200, I, 13.


I consulted the MS. Ahmet III, 2995 (of the Topkapusaray in Istanbul) of the work on reliable transmitters (Thiqat) by Ibn Hibban, 274-354 [887/88-965) (cf. GAL, I, 164; Suppl.,1, 273 f.), but it does not go as far as Yahya. For the remarks of Ibn Hibban and the statement of Isma'il, see Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, 181.


Cf. Iqd, III, 356-63. Cf. also below, pp. 348 f.


Qur'an 3.110 (106); 4.46 (49), 66 (69); 47.21 (23); 49.5 (5).


Qur'an 2.102 (96), 103 (97); 16.41 (43); 29.41 (40), 64 (64); 68.33 (93).


The son of the caliph al-Mahdi, who was for a short time considered by some groups as caliph. 162-224 1779-839]; cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 223, and below, pp. 325f. and 433f., and 8:341.


The question of the 'Alid origin of the Fatimids and their early history was loaded with political "dynamite" for many centuries after the Fatimid dynasty had ceased to exist. In some respects, it is still of importance today. Cf. the works of W. Ivanow: Ismaili Tradition Concerning the Rise of the Fatimids (Islamic Research Association Series, No. 10) (Oxford, 1942), and The Alleged Founder of Ismailism (The Ismaili Society Series, No. 1) (Bombay, 1946). Cf. also F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, p. 335.


Abu `Abdallah ash-Shi'i, through whose efforts the Fatimids became rulers of northwestern Africa, is said to have been mubtasib (cf. pp. 462 f., below) in al-Basrah, if it was not his brother Abu 1-'Abbas who held that office. Cf. 'Ibar, III, 362; IV, 31 f., 204 f. See also below, 2:133.


Rather, his son and successor al-Muktafi. The event related took place in the year 293 [905/6], after the death of al-Mu'tadid. Cf. Ibn 'Whirl, al­Bayan al-Mughrib, ed. G. S. Colin and E. Levi-Provencal (Leiden, 1948-5 1), 1, 140. But see also below, p. 46, and 'Ibar, III, 360; IV, 31.


This refers to events at the beginning of the Saljuq rule under Tughrilbek, that took place in the period from December, 1058, to 1060. Cf. also 'Ibar, III, 463 f.


 Cf. 'Ibar, III, 360.


The "Qarmatian" was the supposed founder of the sect, a certain Hamdin, who lived in the second half of the ninth century. Cf. L. Massignon in El, s.v. "Ilarmatians."


This verse is quoted from near the end of Zuhayr's Mu'allaqah; cf. 3:397 and 410, below. Cf. J. Hausherr, Die Mu'allaka. des Zuhair (Berlin, 1905), p. 35.


That is, the Maqam Ibrahim in the Sanctuary in Mecca.


Muhammad b. at-Tayyib, d. 403 [to131. Cf. GAL, I, 197; Suppl., I, 349. In Ibn Khaldun's circle, he was esteemed one of the greatest of ancient eastern Malikites, and he is, therefore, often quoted in the Muqaddimah.

Recent publications in connection with al-Bagillani include the edition of his Kitab at-Tamhid by al-Khudayri and Abu Ridah (Cairo, 1366/1947), who contribute much biographical material, and G. E. von Grunebaum, A Tenth­Century Document of Arabic Literary Criticism (Chicago, 1950). An edition of his Insaf appeared in Cairo in 1369/1950. Al-Baqillani's work against the Fatimids was entitled Kashf al-asrar wa-hatk al-astar. Cf. Ibn Kathir, Biddyah, XI, 346; the edition of the Tamhid cited above, p. 259 (n. 3). That al-Ghazzali based his Mustazhiri upon al-Baqillani s Kashf has been denied by I. Goldziher, and, indeed, Goldziher's study of the Mustahiri has no indication that the work dealt with the 'Alid descent of the Fatimids. Cf. 1. Goldziher, Streitschrift des Gazdli gegen die Bdtinijja-Sekte (Leiden, 1916), pp. 15 f.


The phrase used here means "to push back." Cf. 3:49, below.


Qur'an 11.46 (48). 


Cf. Concordance, V, 15, 11. 64 f.


Qur'an 33.4 (4).


The verse is ascribed by some authors to Abu Nuwas. Cf. al-Amidi, al-Mu'talif wa-l-mukhtalif (Cairo, 1354/1935-36), p. 94, and ar-Raghib al-Isfahini, Muhddarat (Cairo, 1287/1870), I, 171. However, it does not appear in Abu Nuwas' Diwan (Cairo, 1898). Ibn Bullan, Da'wat al-atibba', at the beginning, ascribes it to al-Husayn b. Hani' (leg. Abu 1-Hasan b. Hani').

The first line may be read in the passive: "If the days were asked..... "

The text found in Ibn Bullan has a variant reading requiring this translation.


See also p. 412, below.


C and D read "representatives of the dynasty."


Cf. B. Lewis, The Origins of Isma'ilism (Cambridge, 1940), pp. 60 f. The earliest published source so far known for the text of the affidavit is Ibn al-Jawzi, Muntazam (Hyderabad, 1357 /1938 -), VII, 255. Ibn Khaldun's list of signers corresponds much more closely to that in Ibn al­Athir, Kamil, IX, 98, anno 402, and VIII, 10, anno 296, than to that in Ibn al-Jawzi.


Muhammad b. al-Husayn, 359-406 [969/70-1015]. Cf. GAL, 1, 82; Suppl., I, 131f.


All b. al-Ilusayn, 355-436 [966-1044/451. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., VIII, 120 ff.


Ibn al-Athir expressly states that he was an 'Alid, but I have no further information about the man.


Ahmad b. Muhammad, 345-406 [956/57-10161. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., VII, 277 f.


Ahmad b. Muhammad, 362-428 1972/73-10371. Cf. GAL, I, 174 f.; Suppl., I, 295 f.


Abu 'Abdallah al-Husayn b. 'Ali, 351-436 [962/63-10451. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., Vlll, 119.


Abu Muhammad 'Abdallah b. Muhammad, 316 or 320 to 405 [928/29 or 932 to 1014]. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., VII, 273.


Abu 1-'Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad, d. 425 [10341. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., Vlll, 80 f.


Muhammad b. Muhammad b. al-Mu'allim, d. 413 [10221. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., VIII, 11 f.


See note 162 to Ch. in, and p. 450, below.


See n. 116, above.


Cf. R. Dozy, Journal asiatique, XIV 6 (1869), 149 f., and Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, II, 380 f.


Cf. below, 2:102 and 287, and also 2:352. As early as the ninth century, Ibn Qutaybah quoted Abi! Hazim as saying to Sulaymin b. 'Abd-al­Malik: "The government serves as a market place to which whatever is in demand with (the government) is brought." Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, 'Uyun al­akhbar(Cairo, 1343-49/1925-30), I, 2.


Ibn Khaldun speaks of the Idrisids of Fez in 'Ibar, IV, 12 ff. Cf. also below, p. 411.


A locality near Mecca where 'Alids in revolt were defeated in 169 1786). Cf., for instance, Abu1-Faraj al-Isfahani, Maqatil at-Talibiyin (Cairo, 1368/1949), pp. 434 ff.; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, VI, 38, anno 169; 'Ibar, III, 215 f. Ibn al-Athir states that it is uncertain whether it was al-Hidi or ar­Rashid who killed Wadih, who was postmaster general and chief of the in­telligence service in Egypt.


An-naqd wa-l-ibram, literally "the untwisting and twisting." Cf. n. 1, above: "all his powers," and below, p. 379, 1. 21. Cf. also H. Lammens, Etudes sur le siecle des Omayyades (Beirut, 1930), p. 4.


The verses are quoted by al-Mas'Odl, Muruj adh-dbahab, VII, 325, with reference to the caliph al-Musta'in, who was one of those dominated by the Turkish generals Wasif and Bugha.


In a case like this, involving the crime of throwing suspicion upon someone's sexual morality.


This is a Prophetic tradition. Cf. Handbook, p. 45b; D. Santillana, Istituzioni di diritto musulmano, I, 193.


 Cf. Qur'an 33.33 (33).


See also 3:54, below.


Cf. Bombaci, p. 442, and below, p. 54.


In 'Ibar, IV, 15, 1. 25, Ibn Khaldun mentions only Yahya al-'Addam. Al-'Addam is the form indicated in the MSS of the Muqaddimah.

The pedigree of the Banu 'Imran which follows is added in the margin of C and incorporated in the text of D.

Ibn Hazm, Jamharat ansab al-'Arab, p. 44, refers to the first Yahya (al-'Addam) as Yabyi al-JUti. Ibn JIazm, loc. cit., I. 10, also refers to Yabya b. Ibrahim b. Yahya (al-Juji)


Ibn Khaldun dealt with the beginning of the Almohads in 'Ibar, VI, 225 ff; de Slane (tr.), II, 161 ff.


I.e., northwestern Africa and Spain.


Qur'an 40.85 (85).


Cf. p. 52, above.


Leg. "second." Cf. p. 273, below.


Cf. Bombaci, pp. 442 f.


Cf. p. 268 and 2:39, below.


Qur'an 81.22 (21).


Cf. Issawi, pp. 29-96.


Qur'an 40.85 (85).


Literally, "Franks."


The pronoun presumably refers to the Arabs.


Cf. p. 300 and 2:129, 306, below. Din "religion" is here used in the more general sense of "way of doing things." Cf. Ibn Qutaybah, 'Uyun al-akhbar, I, 2.


Al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf, the great governor of the 'Iraq (ca. 660-714). Cf. H. Lammens in EI, s.v. "al-Hadjdjadj."


The 'asharah al-mubashsharah, the ten early Muslims to whom Paradise was guaranteed. Cf. A. J. Wensinck, Handworterbuch des Islam (Leiden, 1941), s.v. "al-'Ashara 'l-mubashsharah." They were the first four caliphs, Talhah, az-Zubayr, 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. 'Awf, Sa'd b. Abi Waqqas, Sa'id b. Zayd, and Abu 'Ubaydah b. al-Jarrah.


Cf. p. lxxxiv, above.


That is, the sixth chapter of the Muqaddimah, beginning at 2:411, below. Cf. esp. n. 2 to ch. VI as well as 2:426 and passages such as that at 2:444, below.


Al-Man§tir died in 392 [1002]. Cf. E. Levi-Provencal in EI, s.v. "A1-Mangur Ibn Abi `Amir." The 'Abbisids ruled Sevilla during the eleventh century.


Cf. pp. 452 ff., below.


Ra'aya (raia, rayah) "cattle," then "subjects." See also p. 883, below.


Literally, "wove on their loom." Cf. p. 9, above, and n. 1444 to Ch. vi, below.


Cf. Bombaci, p. 443.


The geographer, 'Abdallah b. Mubammad, 432-487 [104041-1094]. Cf. GAL, 1, 476; Suppl., 1, 875 f. He is repeatedly quoted by Ibn Khaldun A new edition of al-Bakri s geographical dictionary, Mujam ma stajam, ap­peared in Cairo in 1945-51. His Routes and Provinces (al-Masdlik wa-1­mamalik) is still unpublished except for some sections.


Cf. p. xl, above.


Ibn Khaldun soon changed his mind and added the history of the East to his work at a very early stage in its preparation.


Qur'an 12.76 (76).


The written symbol is considered to be identical with the sound indicated by it.


Apparently the remarks immediately following are meant.


Cf. Issawi, pp. 156 f. Cf. also 'Ibar, VII, 7; de Slane (tr.), III, 188 ff.


Actually, the term Ibn Khaldun uses carries the connotation of "(pre­Islamic) Jewish and Christian Arabs." He thinks first of the originators of Arabic orthography and then refers to the way in which, in his opinion, literate (Muslim) Arabs later expressed sounds not found in Arabic.


The way Ibn Khaldun expresses himself, this would seem to refer to the position of letters in the written alphabet, and not to their articulation. It should, of course, refer to the latter. Again, the notions of letters and sounds are confused.


Khalaf b. Hisham, one of the seven Qur'an readers, d. 229 (843/44]. Cf. T. Noldeke, F. Schwally, G. Bergstrasser, and 0. Pretzl, Geschichte des Qordns (Leipzig, 1909-38), III, 182. His reading of as-sirat applies to Qur'an 1.6 (5).


For this spelling (ض) in Berber words, see, for instance, pp. 128 f, 2:49, 197, and 3:129, below,


In the ninth century, a transcription alphabet was invented by Abmad b. at-Tayyib as-Sarakhsi. Cf. P. Kraus, Jabir Ibn Hayyan (Memoires de I'Institut d'Egypte, Nos. 44-45) (Cairo, 1942-43), II, 245 (n. 2). However, we do not know what it looked like.


Instances for the spelling ک are quite frequent. Cf., for instance, "Gawgaw," p. 119, below. Examples for ک and ک may be found in the spelling of Wangarah in C; cf. p. i 19, below.

Arabic jim was pronounced in Egypt according to its ancient Semitic sound value g, but Ibn Khaldun was not thinking of the Egyptian pronun­ciation when he referred to it in this context, but rather of the generally recognized fact of the similarity of j, q, and, k as pronounced in the various Arabic dialects. On the pronunciation of q, cf. the discussion below, 9 : 348 fl:

The references to q in this sentence appear in the margin of C.

Another transcription sign ظ (t with the two dots of t) is used for European t, as, for instance, in Angalatirrah (England). It also appears in Tatar.


That is, using either k or j (q) to express the g sound, as, for instance, in the case of Buluggin.