The substance of this section is repeated below, 2:238 ff


Cf. pp. 25 ff, above, and, for the ThamQd, cf., for instance, J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen, pp. 103 ff


Cf. al-Mas'udi, Muruj adh-dhahab, 11, 187 f. Ibn Khaldun tells a similar story about al-Ma'mun and Khalid b. Barmak in 'lbar, III, 197. Cf. also 2:242 f., below.


Cf. also 2:242 and 3:278, below, and al-Mas'udi,11, 154. According to Ibn Abi Hajalah at-Tilimsani, Sukkardan as-sultan (Cairo, 1317/1899, in the margin of al-'Amili, Mikhlah, and continued in the margin of p. 2 of the attached Asrar al-balaghah, by the same 'Amili), p. 228, a legendary inscription on the pyramids read as follows: "We built them in sixty years. Let him who wishes, destroy them in six hundred years, for destruction is easier than construction."


The reference is apparently to the Mosque of al-Walid, but to refer to it by balat "nave" is unusual. "Palace" can hardly be meant here. Cf. also 2:262 f., below.


Cf. also 'Ibar, II, 23. Ibn al-Muqaffa' represents the opinion of the "common people" in the beginning of his Durrah al yatimah, in Rasa'il at­bulagha' (Cairo, 1331/1913), p. 55.


Cf. ath-Tha'labi, Qisas al-anbiya', in connection with the story of Moses and the sending out of spies to explore Palestine. (At p. 223 of a modern, undated Cairo text.) Cf. also B. Heller in EI, s.v. "Udj."


Ibn Khaldun appears to have corrected this statement later on. In C, "Amalekites" is crossed out in the text and replaced, in the margin, by "Canaanites," whereas D has "Canaanite Amalekites." Cf. also below, 2:240.


Cf. al-Mas`udi, Muruj adh-dhahab, III, 376 f.


Al-Mas`udi's text reads: "complete as to (its) large (numerical) size."


Cf. al-Bukhari, Sahih, II, 349; Concordance, I, 212a, 11. 11 f. Cf. also 2:240, below.

The argument against the larger bodies of the Thamud (although some exception is made for the 'Ad of South Arabia) was derived by Ibn Khaldun from al-Masudi, III, 84, 377.


Cf. pp. 348 ff., above.


Cf. (Pseudo-)Ibn Hisham, Tijan, pp. 306-310.


As to the extent of South Arabian domination, cf., however, pp. 21 ff, and 296, above.


Cf. p. 9 (n. 19), above.


Cf. 2:283, below.


None of the following documents, down to p. 368, 1. 20, are found in C. C has a mark in the text indicating that something is to be inserted there. Possibly inserted slips were lost from the MS.


Jirab ad-dawlah means something like "public purse." It would seem to be the title of a book. However, an artist and litterateur called Ahmad b. Muhammad is known to have lived ca. 900, and to have been known under the name of Jirab ad-dawlah. He wrote a book of jokes and anecdotes entitled Tarwih al-arwah. Cf. Ibn an-Nadim, Fihrist, p. 153 of the Flugel ed., p. 218 of the edition, Cairo, 1348/1929--30. The work is also quoted by Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah, `Uyun al-anba', I, 181, 1. 22, exactly as Ibn Khaldun quotes it. There can be little doubt that this is the work referred to here. Like Ibn Hamdun's Tadhkirah, it may have contained a large selection of interesting topics. A MS appears to be preserved in Paris, MS. Ar. 3527; cf. GAL, Suppl.,1, 599. It can be expected to solve the problem. Ibn Khaldun certainly did not quote the work directly, but the exact source on which he drew cannot be named.

The list that follows is well known from a number of works. A compre­hensive study of it was made by A. von Kremer, Kulturgeschichte des orients (Vienna, 1875), 1, 263 ff; cf., in particular, I, 356-59. Related material may be found also in Ibn Hamdun, Tadhkirah, in the Topkapusaray MS. Ahmet III, 2948, Vol. XII, fols. 186 ff., as part of Ch. XLIX, which deals with history. The oldest and closest available parallel to Ibn Khaldun's text is found in al-Jahshiyari, Wuzara', ed. H. von Mzik (Bibliothek arabischer Historiker and Geographen, No. 1) (Leipzig, 1926), fols. 179a-182b.

Von Kremer proved that the list does not date from the time of al-Ma'mun but reflects a situation that existed ca. 785/86. The introductory remarks accompanying the list in al-Jahshiyari show that although it was finally written down under al-Ma'mun or later, its material goes back to the time of ar-Rashid or somewhat earlier.

The variants found in al-Jahshiyari are noted here only so far as they concern Ibn Khaldun's text. Additional data, as found in some places in al­Jahshiyari, are, as a rule, not indicated. In general, the few footnotes appended here are, of course, not meant to constitute a commentary on the text.

Cf. also R. Levy, The Sociology of Islam (London, 1931-33), I, 343-47, and B. Spuler, Iran in fruh-islamischer Zeit (Wiesbaden, 1952), pp. 467 ff.


Al-Jahshiyari: 80,780,000.


Abwab al-mal means "categories of income." Cf. A. Dietrich, Arabische Papyri aus der Hamburger Staats- and Universitdtsbibliothek (Abhand­lungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, No. 22,3) (Leipzig, 1937), p. 55.


Von Kremer corrects the figure to 25,000,000.


Al-Jahshiyari: 100.


Al-Jahshiyari: 4,600,000.


The MSS have, indeed, the reading al-m-'-t-irh that de Slane read al-mu'attabah and connected with a kind of silk called al-'attdbi. However, Dozy, in Journal asiatique, XIV 6 (1869), 155 f., preferred al-mu'ayyanah, which, appears in Bulaq and which means "variegated by squares (lozenges), decorated with eye- or lozenge-shaped designs." The fact that the text of al-Jahshiyari clearly has al-mu'ayyanah is definitely in favor of the latter reading.


A discussion of the possible meaning of al fanidh, a preparation of sugar cane, was undertaken by P. Schwarz, "Fanid and Verwandtes," in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, LXXIV (1920), 238-46. Cf, also Ibn at-Ukhuwwa, Ma'alim Al-qurbah, p. 106.


Al-Jahshiyari: mann


Instead of Nihawand, one must read with al-Jahshiyari, as von Kremer already suggested, Dunbawand.


Al-Jahshiyari: 600.


The honey item belongs to an entry dealing with Igfahin which follows but was omitted by Ibn Khaldun. For ar-Rayy, al-Jahshiyari has: Pomegranates: 100,000 Peaches (khawkh): 1,000 pounds.


Al-Jahshiyari: mann.


This is a bad but very understandable misreading in our text. Instead of ma bayn, al-Jahshiyari has the correct mahay. The region referred to is that of Mah-al-Bagrah and MA-al-Kufah, old Muslim names for Nihawand and Dinawar. Cf. V. Minorsky in EI, s.v. "Nihawand," and M. Streck in EI, s.v. "Dinawar."


The place is doubtful. There is a Rayy an in the district of Kaskar -cf. Ibn Khurradidhbih, Kitdb al-Masalik wa-l-mamalik, p. 12 (text), p. 8 (tr.) - but the name here may possibly be identical with '-r-b-j-n or the like, which appears as an important city belonging to Masabadhan in Ibn Khurradidhbih, p. 244 (text), p. 185 (tr.). There is also an ar-Radhdh near Masabadhan (cf. Yigft, Mu jam al-buldan, II, 775) which, however, is hardly meant here.


Al-Jahshiyari "Shahrazfir and environs: 24,000,000."


Ibn Khaldun possibly read al-Karkh, but Persian Karaj and Muqan are meant.


Al-Jahshiyari has no money item, only 100 slaves and some other products.


Al-Jahshiyari has "pieces," which goes better with raqm "variegated cloth," apparently meant here.


The reading sur is uncertain, but mahi, in itself meaning "fish," is certainly correct. M. J. de Goeje considered shurmahi the correct reading. Cf. Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum (Leiden, 1879), IV, 259 f.


Ibn Khaldun read something like turnuj, which makes one think of turunj "citrus fruit." However, the correct reading, as de Slane suggested, is tarikh, or tirrikh, some kind of salted fish. Cf. A. Mez, Die Renaissance des Islams, p. 410.


Paris has 420,000. Al-Jahshiyari gives the figure of 490,000 for both Qinnasrin and the 'Awalim (northern Syrian border towns). He also adds an entry concerning Emesa.


According to al-Jahshiyari, this amount came from all the districts of Syria together.


Al-Jahshiyari: 870,000.


D adds: "the eighth (Spanish) Umayyad who was (the first to be) given the title of caliph."


D adds: "of gold dinars."


From here to p. 368, 1. 20, the text is not found in Bulaq or A. It appears first on an inserted sheet in B and then in the text of D.

The first story appears in the texts of A and B in a shortened form: "Likewise, when the army commander al-Afdal who controlled the 'Ubaydid(-Fatimids) in Egypt was killed, 600,000,000 [!] dinars and 250 irdabbs of dirhams were found (in his possession), as well as a proportionate amount of fabrics, household goods, precious stones for rings, and pearls. This is mentioned by Ibn Khallikan in his History." Then the story is repeated, as it appears above, on the inserted sheet.

In D we find the same version as above, but at the end, after all the other documents have been quoted (below, p. 368,1.20), we find the abrupt inser­tion of another version of the same story, which reads: "There was found (in the possession of) al-Afdal 600,000,000 [!] gold dinars, 250 irdabbs of dirhams, 50,000 garments of brocade, 20,000 garments of silk, 30 animal (loads) of boxes of 'Iraqi gold, a bejeweled golden inkstand weighing (in value) 12,000 dinars, loo nails of gold, each weighing 100 dinars, 500 boxes with robes, and a very large number of horses, mules, camels, slaves, gdmris cows, other cows (baqar), sheep, and different kinds of victuals."

These later data are derived from Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt al-a'ydn, tr. W. M. de Slane (Paris, 1843-71),1, 612 ff. (He was Abmad b. Mubammad, 608-681 [1211-1282]; cf. GAL, I, 326 ff.; Suppl., I, 561 f.) Apparently it was Ibn Khaldun, and not someone else, who later added a slip containing a more accurate and complete quotation from Ibn Khallikan, which was inserted in D in the wrong place. Ibn Khallikan, incidentally, derived his information from the Duwal al-munqati'ah, the historical work by 'All b. Zafir al-Azdi (GAL, Suppl., I, 553 f.).


The title of "army commander" actually belonged to al-Afdal's father. Al-Afdal perished in 515 [1121].


Or, possibly, "garments."


This refers to well-known events that took place in the years 1309-10. Ibn Taghribirdi, an-Nujum az-zahirah (Cairo, 1361/1942), IX, 17 f., 20 ff., quotes several authors in this connection. The list closest to Ibn Khaldun's is that by al-Birzali, 665-739 [1267-13391; cf. GAL, II, 36; Suppl., II, 34 f. Cf. also al-Kutubi, Fawat al-Wafayat, I, 371 f.


Al-yaqut al-bahraman is described as the best quality of yaqut (hyacinth, ruby) and as yellow rather than red. Cf. al-Biruni, al-Jamahir fi ma'rifat al­jawahir (Hyderabad, 1355/1936-37), pp. 34 ff.


For the "Badakhshani hyacinths" mentioned here, cf. al-Biruni, pp. 81 ff.


"Dirham" is the reading of the MSS and al-Birzali, against the implausible "grain" of the Paris edition. The standard of weight in the pearl trade was the mithqal. A pearl of the best quality, weighing one mithqal, cost 1,000 dinars in 'Abbasid times. Another quality brought half as much, and pearls of ordinary quality weighing one mithqal cost ten dinars. Cf. al­Biruni, pp. 129 ff. Needless to say, the prices of pearls varied greatly over the years


Sic B. Cf. also p. 368,1. 20, below. D reads bighal "mules."


MSS. B and D merely say ". . . in the handwriting of the Minister of Finance of the (Merinid) Sultan Abu Sa'id." The name is found in the Paris edition. Aba Sa'id reigned from 1310 to 1331, and Abu l-Uasan from 1331 to 1351, not long before Ibn Khaldun's arrival in Fez.


In 1337.


Ibn Khaldun was born during the reign of Abu Bakr (1318-46). It is not quite clear how he figured the succession of the various Hafaids, but he probably followed local Tunisian tradition in calling him the ninth, even if later on (2:17, below) he calls him the twelfth, and again (2:222, below), the tenth. E. de Zambaur, Manuel de genialogie et de chronologie pour l'histoire de l'Islam (Hannover, 1927), p. 74 f., lists him as the eleventh ruler, but it is obvious from the rather turbulent Hafaid family relations that there could be differences over who was to be counted a legitimate ruler. For the numbering of the Hafaids, cf. also below, 2:72, 101, 116, and 222.

Muhammad b. al-Hakim was Ibn Khaldun's father-in-law; cf. p. xIv, above.



Nakaba is a technical term for applying the musadarah, meaning the removal of an official from office for the purpose of confiscating his property.


This happened in 798 [1395/96], and the amir Mahmud died in 799 [1397]. Cf. Ibn Taghribirdi, an-Nujum az-zahirah, ed. W. Popper, in University of California Publications in Semitic Philology, V (1932-36), 568 f., 637. Ibn Taghribirdi speaks of about 1,400,000 dinars and 1,000,000 dirhams. Part of the money was deposited with Ibn Khaldun. Cf. W. J. Fischel in Studi orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi Delta rida (Rome, 1956), I, 294.


Issawi, pp. 33 f.


Lit., "your gullet would be too narrow to pick up things that are possible."


Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, 703-779 [1304-1377]. Cf. GAL, II, 256; Suppl., II, 365 f. It would seem that Ibn Khaldun did not seek an opportunity to meet Ibn Battittah in person. In the story as he tells it, two different episodes were combined. In the Travels, Ibn Battulah speaks of celebrations and distribution of money in connection with the ruler's return from a journey, but it is in connection with a famine that he speaks of the gift of provisions to meet the population's needs for six months. Cf. Les Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah, ed. & tr. C. Defremery and B. R. Sanguinetti (2d ed.; Paris, 1874-79), III, 238 and 373.


Muhammad Shah ruled from 1325 to 1351, and it was during his reign that Ibn Battutah was in Delhi. The earlier texts add: "He had contact with its ruler at that time, and it 1 the capital, wa-hiya as in A and B, whereas Bulaq has wa-huwa "and he"] was Firuzguh." This does not refer to Muhammad Shah's successor Firuz Shah, but probably to the city which Firuz Shah built near Delhi, and which was called, not Firuzguh, but Firuzabad. The statement is not found in D. In C both names are found in the margin.


For yawm mashhud, an expression derived from Qur'an 11.103 (105), cf. above, p. 46 (n. 139), and, for instance, Ibn al-Jawzi, Muntazam, VII, 278, 1. 1. Cf. also p. 450, below.


These, of course, were elephants.


Cf. p. 19, above.


Cf. p. 9 (n. 21), above.


Qur'an 20.114 (113).